History Spotlight: A City Within A City

SOURCE: Anna Michele Traylor’s thesis Jim Crow in the City: Spatial Segregation in Columbus, Georgia, 1890–1944, Master of Arts thesis by Anna Michele Traylor, Auburn University 2016.

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The map above is dated c. 1900. The pink, orange, and green blocks denote where African Americans in Columbus were living at the time. There were two distinct areas - one in the south (Liberty District) and one in the north (West Highlands).

The Liberty neighborhood extended as far north as Eleventh Street, as far east as Ninth Avenue, and south to Fourth Street. West Highlands was bound roughly by Twenty-Fourth Street in the north, the Chattahoochee River in the west, Seventh Avenue in the east, and Fourteenth Street in the south.

Denied access to White establishments, African Americans in Columbus established a full spectrum of independent institutions to serve their needs. They founded churches (which doubled as community meeting halls), opened schools for Black children when public facilities were inadequate, and formed their own fraternal lodges, social clubs, and charities. A Black-owned newspaper, the Columbus Times, began publishing in the 1920s, giving Black Columbus a voice in print.

Through these outlets, Black citizens fostered a rich civic life. In effect, they built a self-reliant municipality where they could live with dignity, support each other, and nurture leadership despite being treated as second-class. This spirit of community-building was both a cultural and a spatial process, as African Americans clustered in certain parts of the city to create sanctuaries of their own.

By the early 20th century, rather than being scattered throughout Columbus, Black residents had formed two main areas of settlement. These became known as West Highlands and the Liberty District. In the 1890s, residential patterns were still somewhat fluid – Black and White families might live on the same block – but as Jim Crow hardened, race (not class) came to dictate where people lived. Wealthy Black professionals and the poorest Black laborers all found themselves confined to the same neighborhoods, since even the most successful Black families were barred from White-designated areas. Segregation corralled virtually the entire Black population into West Highlands and Liberty, making these enclaves the physical heart of Black Columbus.

1934 Spencer High School Football Team

Between 1890 and 1920, West Highlands and Liberty District solidified as Columbus’s two primary Black neighborhoods. West Highlands, in the northwest section of the city, was initially the larger of the two. Liberty, closer to downtown in the south, started smaller – but that changed over time. Liberty District rapidly expanded and by 1930 had clearly become the center of Black Columbus. By that year, 27 out of 37 blocks in the Liberty area were overwhelmingly (over 75%) Black-occupied. Liberty stretched roughly from Third Street north to Eleventh Street, and from Second Avenue over to about Tenth Avenue – an area filled with Black homes, churches, and businesses. West Highlands, by contrast, peaked earlier and then declined. Many Black residents moved out or were displaced from West Highlands as decades passed, so that by 1930 only about 16 blocks in that area still had significant Black presence. In short, the Black community became increasingly consolidated in Liberty in the south, while the older northern enclave of West Highlands diminished in size and importance.

Several forces drove these shifts. City planning and real estate practices of the era favored White interests and sought to contain Black residents to certain zones. A 1926 city plan for Columbus, for example, largely ignored improvements in Black neighborhoods altogether. Basic city services in Black sections were underfunded or neglected – many streets went unpaved and sewer lines often did not extend into Black neighborhoods. Housing was crowded, and most Black families could only rent rather than own their homes (reflecting limited access to mortgages or capital). Turnover was high; studies of city directories show that in the early 1900s few Black residents stayed at the same address for more than a few years. Some Black Columbusites did manage to buy property and build substantial homes even during segregation. Two examples within the Liberty District include the homes of William H. Spencer (Superintendent of Colored Schools) on 4th Avenue (now Veterans Parkway) and Gertrude Pridgett “Ma” Rainey on 5th Avenue, proving that some upward mobility was possible.

Around the turn of the 20th century and into the 1930s, Black enterprise in Columbus experienced remarkable growth and success. During segregation, African American entrepreneurs built up a parallel business district and web of services catering to Black customers who were often shut out of White establishments. These businesses not only supplied goods, jobs, and services that would have otherwise been difficult to obtain; they reinvested in Black neighborhoods, fostering pride, self-sufficiency, and community resilience.

In 1894, African Americans owned only about 61 businesses in Columbus – roughly 6.7% of all businesses in the city. Many of those were small barber shops, shoemakers, cafés or other service trades scattered alongside White businesses downtown. At that time, there was no separate “Black business district.” Black-owned shops were essentially tucked into the broader integrated downtown commercial area, serving both Black and some White clientele in the 1890s.

Over the next few decades, however, the landscape changed dramatically. By 1931, Columbus had 169 Black-owned businesses, an increase of 177% since the 1890s. Black enterprise had also diversified greatly – in 1894, Black businesses fell into about 13 different categories of goods or services; by 1931, Black entrepreneurs were active in at least 37 distinct industries, from traditional trades to professional fields. Equally important was the geography of this growth: by the 1920s and 1930s, most Black businesses had relocated out of downtown and into the heart of Black neighborhoods, especially the Liberty District. Rather than one small, segregated strip at the margins of downtown (as seen in some other cities), Columbus developed pockets of Black commerce within Liberty and West Highlands, interwoven with Black residential areas.

Clustering created a synergistic hub: a Black patron in Liberty could go to a Black barber, then walk next door to a Black tailor or grocer, visit a Black insurance agent upstairs, and spend the evening at a Black café or theater, all within a few blocks. The concentration of shops, entertainment, and services in Liberty meant Black residents could meet most daily needs within their own community.

Five broad categories were identified (in Traylor’s thesis) of Black-owned businesses in Columbus during the segregation era:

Service establishments: Barbershops and beauty salons were among the most common and enduring Black businesses. Barbers like Primus King and Amos Sherald became successful entrepreneurs and respected community figures; barbershops often doubled as social hubs and remained a mainstay of the service industry. Alongside them were Black-run restaurants, cafés, and “cook shops” that served Black customers. Entrepreneurs also operated laundry services, cleaning and tailoring shops – sometimes out of their homes – to meet the community’s needs for clothing care.

Retail and crafts: Black merchants owned grocery stores, general stores, and specialty retail shops. In the 1890s, shoemaking and shoe repair was the single most common Black-owned trade. Columbus boasted at least 17 Black shoemakers in 1894, a significant presence in the shoe business. Other Black craftspeople included blacksmiths, carpenters, and dressmakers who plied skilled trades.

Professional services: Columbus developed a cadre of Black professionals who served the African American population. Black physicians like Dr. Edwin J. Turner and Dr. Thomas H. Brewer provided much-needed medical care in the Black community and often led civic initiatives beyond their clinics. By the 1930s, Columbus even had a small Black hospital/clinic and a local chapter of the National Medical Association. A few Black lawyers and real estate agents handled legal matters and land transactions within the community.

Entertainment and leisure: A vibrant Black entertainment scene flourished during this era. The crown jewel was the Liberty Theater, opened in 1924 as a movie house and performance hall exclusively for Black audiences. By 1931, Columbus had a thriving Black nightlife with juke joints, dance halls, and even home-grown music legends. The city’s most famous performer, blues singer Gertrude “Ma” Rainey, was born in Columbus; she eventually returned home and her house in the Liberty District became a local landmark.

Finance and other services: Segregation also spurred the creation of Black-run financial and business services. Black businessmen in Columbus started a few small insurance agencies and mutual aid societies to offer life insurance or burial insurance to Black families. One notable entrepreneur, John L. Sconiers (below), ran a successful undertaking business on Ninth Street. His establishment later expanded to include an insurance office and even a public meeting hall for Black events. While Black-owned banks were rare in Columbus (unlike some larger cities), local Black leaders often organized credit circles and savings clubs to help neighbors buy homes or start businesses.

Together, these enterprises anchored Columbus’ African American neighborhoods. By patronizing Black businesses, Black residents could circulate their dollars within their own community and gain a sense of ownership in the city’s economic life. Day and night, the Liberty District and parts of West Highlands bustled with Black commerce and culture. Black-owned business blocks kept these areas lively and gave residents pride in a self-sufficient community.

The broader impact of this business class also went beyond economics: Black enterprises cultivated local leadership and activism. Business owners often emerged as community leaders, using their resources and influence to support Black schools, churches, and civil rights efforts. Their success demonstrated to younger generations that it was possible to achieve a degree of independence and prosperity even under Jim Crow. For example, barber and minister Primus E. King – who ran a barbershop on 17th Street – would later become a key figure in the fight for voting rights in Georgia. Likewise, professionals such as Dr. Thomas H. Brewer parlayed their status as respected doctors or businessmen into leadership of voter registration drives and NAACP chapters. Through the first decades of the 20th century, Black Columbus thus forged a strong (if segregated) community with robust neighborhoods and a flourishing business sector. This parallel society helped Black Columbusites endure the indignities of segregation with a measure of agency and communal support. By the early 1940s, the foundation laid by Black institutions and businesses was powerful enough to launch direct challenges to Jim Crow itself.

Another individual who embodied the courage, enterprise, and community spirit of Black Columbus was Mrs. Lizzie Mae Lunsford (pictured above with her granddaughter Lula Lunsford Huff). A businesswoman and philanthropist, Mrs. Lunsford used her success to uplift her community – playing roles as a business leader, civic supporter, and financier of major Black initiatives. Her story illustrates how Black Columbus’ “city within a city” functioned in practice, and how one person’s dedication made a lasting impact. To read her History Spotlight, click here: Elizabeth Mae "Lizzie Mae" Lunsford: A Quiet Force.

The story of Black Columbus under Jim Crow – and the contributions of trailblazers like Lizzie Mae Lunsford – remains a powerful narrative of resilience. In the decades after 1945, segregation’s end brought new challenges: as African Americans gradually gained access to formerly White schools, stores, and neighborhoods, the old Black business districts in Liberty and West Highlands lost some of their captive customer base. Middle-class Black families began moving into other areas, and many pioneering Black-owned establishments struggled to compete citywide once larger White businesses pursued Black consumers. Urban renewal policies in the mid-20th century often overlooked (and even demolished) parts of the historic Black districts. By the 1980s, much of the original Liberty District had fallen into disrepair and was partially torn down, erasing a majority of the physical traces of that once-thriving “city within a city.”